Amid rising protests across Cameroon, the National Vote Counting Commission announced that President Paul Biya had secured another term with 53.66% of the votes, ahead of opposition rival Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who received 35.19%, according to official results. However, the Cameroonian public did not receive these results quietly. Cities in the north witnessed clashes between security forces and opposition supporters who viewed the electoral process as a continuation of political exclusion.

Internet shutdowns, rejection of appeals before the Constitutional Council, and conflicting reports about voter turnout signaled escalating political and social tensions. With 92-year-old Biya declaring victory for an eighth term, Cameroon entered a highly sensitive phase defined primarily by questions of legitimacy and the regime’s capacity to manage public anger.

The recent election transcended a mere political contest; it became a test of the regime’s ability to renew itself amid eroding public trust and mounting security and economic challenges. Between a president who has clung to power for over four decades and an opposition struggling to gain a foothold, an underlying crisis emerged—one extending beyond the ballot box to the very structure of the state. Disputes over the results and the regime’s attempts to reach political settlements by co-opting select opposition figures reveal an acute awareness of the moment’s gravity. Cameroon now faces not just an electoral crisis but a pivotal juncture that will determine whether it can renew its political system or sink into chronic tension and paralysis.

This analysis sheds light on Cameroon’s future following its disputed presidential elections by examining the current political and economic landscape and forecasting the challenges likely to arise under President Biya’s continued rule amid growing demands for change.

Features of the Electoral Landscape

Cameroon’s presidential elections unfolded within a political scene largely predetermined by the dominance of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), which has controlled state institutions for over four decades. The electoral process resembled a renewal of allegiance to the existing regime rather than genuine democratic competition. The opposition faced security and legal restrictions that crippled its ability to mobilize or organize supporters. Prominent opposition figures such as Maurice Kamto were placed under tight surveillance, while smaller parties suffered from administrative and media constraints. This closed electoral environment reflected a clear decline in political pluralism, reproducing a pattern that has defined Cameroonian politics for decades: elections serve to consolidate power rather than renew it.

Key features of this landscape include:

1- Dominance of the ruling party and decline of the opposition: The CPDM’s continued hegemony characterizes the political scene. The party maintains control of state institutions, supported by constitutional amendments abolishing presidential term limits, which renders electoral competition largely symbolic as the opposition is legally and security-wise confined, preventing meaningful public engagement. Political pluralism weakens, and elections function as mechanisms for regime renewal rather than power alternation.

2- Security tensions in separatist regions: The northwest and southwest regions remain mired in chronic instability due to armed conflict with English-speaking separatists. The war, ongoing since 2017, has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced, undermining national dialogue efforts, threatening electoral integrity, and restricting popular participation, as large segments of the population are prevented from voting while chaos is exploited to tighten security control at the expense of political openness.

3- Erosion of public trust in the electoral process: Cameroonians have lost faith in election integrity after a long history of politicized institutions. Since constitutional limits were lifted in 2008, elections have become tools for perpetuating power. Repeated postponements of parliamentary and local elections deepen doubts about the regime’s intentions. A general sense of frustration prevails, especially among youth who increasingly view the political process as a closed system incapable of delivering real change.

4- Economic pressures and rising cost of living: Despite modest economic growth, Cameroon faces a severe livelihood crisis. Poverty and youth unemployment worsen, inflation persists, and prices of basic goods continue to rise. These conditions generate widespread discontent that weakens government credibility, while economic rhetoric in election campaigns serves mainly as propaganda rather than a platform for genuine reform addressing the socioeconomic crisis’s roots.

5- Role of youth and digital media in politics: Despite restrictions, youth and digital media have become active political players. Online platforms have evolved into spaces for debate, mobilization, and abuse monitoring, disrupting the regime’s monopoly over traditional media. Yet repression and arrests limit their effectiveness, leaving the digital youth movement energetic but unable to translate online influence into tangible political change.

6- International monitoring and fears of fraud: Concerns about electoral manipulation persist amid weak independent oversight. The African Union and European Union have called for transparency guarantees, while the government rejects foreign involvement.External influences intersect: France maintains traditional support for the government, while Russia expands its media footprint, undermining electoral legitimacy and transforming the process into a stage for geopolitical contention rather than authentic democratic practice.

7- Stalemated reform and enduring political paralysis: The political landscape remains blocked. Reforms are limited to symbolic promises without substantive implementation. State institutions remain subordinate to the regime; civil society is constrained; the judiciary lacks independence. With no political will for change and public trust in decline, future elections appear as mere repetitions of the past, perpetuating political stagnation and postponing any prospect of real democratic transition.

Internal Divisions

Following the presidential results, Cameroon witnessed an unprecedented wave of violence spreading from the north to the capital, Yaoundé, as protests erupted over what the opposition called massive electoral fraud. Security forces confronted demonstrators with force in cities such as Garoua and Maroua, leaving several dead and dozens arrested.

A near-total internet shutdown, confirmed by NetBlocks, appeared as an attempt to control information flow and suppress images of repression. The digital blackout reflected the regime’s fear of a public explosion of anger and revealed that the state continues to treat the crisis as a security threat rather than a political legitimacy issue—deepening the chasm of distrust between rulers and society.

The opposition refused to recognize Biya’s victory, denouncing the election as rigged and calling supporters to protest in rejection of the results. Demonstrations quickly escalated into bloody confrontations, resulting in deaths and injuries amid intense repression and mass arrests of opposition leaders and activists, including prominent figures backing candidate Issa Tchiroma, reflecting the fragility of Cameroon’s political landscape and the growing likelihood of deeper crisis as authorities persist in choosing coercive security measures over genuine dialogue.

Earlier, opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary declared himself the legitimate winner, openly challenging the regime and accusing the Constitutional Council of complicity in “defrauding the nation’s will.” The ruling party dismissed his declaration as “political deception,” but the move marked a sharp escalation exposing the electoral system’s weakness.

Meanwhile, the Catholic Church, through the National Episcopal Conference of Cameroon (NECC), called for calm and respect for the people’s will, asserting that “truth and justice are the foundations of peace.” The Church’s involvement, though not new, carried an unmistakably political tone this time. Its firm stance reflected growing loss of confidence among religious elites in the regime’s neutrality and served as an implicit warning against the country’s potential descent into deeper violence.

Domestic reactions to the election results revealed a deep fracture within Cameroon’s political and social fabric. Between an opposition accusing the regime of usurping power and a government justifying its iron grip in the name of stability, the voice of the street is lost amid fear and disillusionment. Official institutions such as the Constitutional Council and the Ministry of the Interior adopted a defensive discourse centered on “the dignity of the state,” while civil and religious elites attempted, unsuccessfully, to contain the crisis. This turbulent dynamic underscores how elections have ceased to be democratic exercises and instead become a national crisis of legitimacy—where the problem lies not only in the results but in a governance system refusing to acknowledge the necessity of change.

Compound Challenges

President Paul Biya faces a deeply unsettled domestic landscape where economic crises intersect with political divisions and security threats. Limited growth has failed to improve living conditions, institutions suffer from eroding legitimacy, and conflicts on the peripheries continue to drain state resources while weakening stability. The situation is further complicated by the absence of a clear vision for power transfer and growing polarization between the ruling elite and the public, amid a bureaucracy weighed down by corruption and administrative paralysis in vital areas such as voter registration and election management. External pressures—both financial and media-related—also constrain the regime’s maneuvering room, and this intricate combination of internal and external strains makes Biya’s new term a decisive test of his ability to restore state balance.

First- Economic challenges:

1- Rising poverty rates: Although growth estimates hover around 4%, this has not translated into better living conditions. About 40% of the population remains below the poverty line. Turning growth into real opportunity requires tax reform, expansion of social safety nets, and redirecting investment toward neglected northern and western regions instead of focusing solely on showcase projects.

2- Rising unemployment: Youth unemployment leads to irregular migration or recruitment into armed groups. The presidency faces a major test in linking vocational training to local value chains—agriculture, processing, and logistics—while simplifying licensing and tax procedures for startups and encouraging private investment in the digital economy. Real pathways for integration require such measures rather than short-term electoral promises.

3- Financial corruption and administrative fragility: Cameroon suffers from widespread bribery and weak governance. Implementing digital systems, ensuring oversight body independence, and linking ministerial performance to public indicators are necessary. Without these reforms, the trust deficit will deter investment, while inflationary pressures and commodity fluctuations strain the national budget.

Second- Political challenges:

1- Erosion of legitimacy and institutional strain: Disputed election results and repeated postponements fuel growing public tensions. Biya faces a crisis of internal legitimacy unless he initiates genuine political opening—expanding participation, bringing in new figures, and fostering inclusive representation to ease polarization.

2- Aging political elite: The president’s advanced age and rivalry among competing inner circles place the state in “chronic waiting.” Uncertainty surrounding succession confuses governance, weakens expectations, and fuels risky political maneuvering.

3- Loss of trust between citizens and elite: Decades of corruption, concentrated power, and unfulfilled promises have deeply eroded public trust, leading citizens to believe state institutions have lost independence and serve elite interests, while living conditions deteriorate without meaningful reform, an environment that breeds alienation and frustration, thus depriving the state of popular legitimacy.

Third- Security challenges:

1- Anglophone Ccrisis and western strain: The protracted conflict in Anglophone regions drains resources and undermines stability. Security-centered approaches have failed to address root causes, while absence of political dialogue deepens social divisions and escalates violations. Without a fair and comprehensive settlement reintegrating western regions, regime legitimacy and prospects for development remain weak.

2- Boko Haram threat and northern border fragility: Boko Haram exploits porous borders and underdevelopment to expand influence in the north. Ongoing attacks exhaust the army and disrupt agriculture and trade, perpetuating poverty and recruitment cycles. Effective cross-border coordination and sustained development programs are essential to prevent the north from remaining a permanent insecurity hotspot.

3- Refugee influx and border resource strain: Growing refugee arrivals from the Central African Republic and neighboring countries aggravate competition over scarce resources and public services. Overlapping cross-border criminal activity poses serious internal security threats, particularly in vulnerable regions. Intelligent border management and support for host communities are critical to prevent this crisis from becoming a tool for political and security blackmail.

Four Scenarios for the Political Landscape

Cameroon enters a new presidential term under contested legitimacy and mounting security, economic, and political pressures. The regime’s ability to manage public anger depends on implementing tangible electoral and administrative reforms, pursuing a gradual settlement to the Anglophone crisis, and making real progress on unemployment and corruption.

Heavy reliance on security partnerships externally limits government maneuverability and raises the cost of failure. Internally, the absence of a clear succession path exacerbates institutional fragility. Consequently, the country’s future oscillates between gradual integration and prolonged paralysis and instability.

Prominent possible scenarios include:

1- Broad reforms to restore voter confidence: The regime could launch genuine reforms restoring some public trust. Measures would include enhancing electoral transparency, expanding political space, and restructuring the economy to benefit poorer segments. A comprehensive national dialogue to resolve the Anglophone crisis might be initiated. This path would enable gradual stabilization, allowing Cameroon to balance security with measured political openness.

2- Persistence of crises and decline in government popularity: Failure to translate promises into meaningful reform would confine policies to security and administrative measures, ignoring root causes of discontent. Unemployment and poverty would deepen, opposition restrictions continue, and large societal segments disengage politically. Cameroon would become a model of “enforced stability,” where power is maintained through repression rather than legitimacy, risking social upheaval.

3- Rising political tensions and alliances: Under pressure, Biya might seek alliances with moderate opposition figures or elite elements to absorb public anger and reconfigure the regime more flexibly. This scenario would grant temporary respite and restore some political balance but fail to address the crisis’s root. State institutions would remain bound by personal loyalties rather than democratic principles, making stability fragile and temporary.

4- Military coup influenced by neighboring states: Should unrest escalate and the economic crisis deepen, the military might intervene under the pretext of “saving the state,” echoing recent coups in Africa. Such a takeover would usher in a murky transitional phase oscillating between promises of salvation and risks of international isolation and internal fragmentation.

In conclusion, Cameroon appears to be entering a phase demanding a fundamental redefinition of its internal foundations before redefining its global relations. The depth of economic challenges, sharp political divisions, and persistent security tensions make continuation of traditional governance a risk extending beyond the regime itself. President Paul Biya’s ability to transform his new term into an opportunity for rescue rather than crisis extension depends on willingness to share power and free state institutions from one-party dominance. Cameroon will either regain citizen trust or remain trapped in stagnation that erodes its legitimacy and standing within Africa.

Source: Futureuae

Throughout history, great thinkers and psychologists have wondered why people prefer to live with illusions rather than confront painful realities. In A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, Leon Festinger observed that when our beliefs or actions clash with reality, we experience deep psychological discomfort. To avoid this discomfort, humans often distort facts because fabrications offer emotional comfort. As long as the truth threatens one’s character and outlook, illusion will always remain a harmless shelter.

Nowhere are a people more tied in collective delusion than in Cameroon, where many citizens honestly believe they live in a democracy. This delusion has been evident since 92-year-old Paul Biya was declared the victor in last month’s presidential election. Earlier today, 6th November 2025, Mr Biya was inaugurated to serve seven more years as president of the republic. A term he will complete at 99. During the ceremony, the nonagenarian was being instructed by one of his caregivers on what to do because Mr Biya evidently was unaware of what was happening around him- a shocking, pathetic and sorry indictment of all Cameroonians.

Since the election, many have taken to social media to voice their anger and disappointment at ELECAM for rigging the election. These petitions sound like noble calls for transparency in a democratic society. However, truth be told, Cameroon is far from a democracy, and pretending otherwise is the height of delusion and naivety. The inaugural charade of a care-home resident as president of the country proves my point about this collective naivety and delusion. To add insult to injury, the inauguration ceremony took place in absolute peace, with no protests whatsoever.

Cameroon possesses, on paper, some practices of democracy like regular elections and multiple political parties. These trappings have deceived many into believing the country’s political system is a democracy. Any serious student of politics knows that elections alone do not make a democracy; they are merely one of its instruments. Since 1990, the ruling CPDM party has vigorously promoted the image of democracy through its state-controlled media. As the old saying goes, a lie told repeatedly enough becomes the truth.

In reality, Cameroon’s so-called democracy is a façade designed to appease the international community and pacify citizens who still cling to the illusion. By most comparative political standards, Cameroon is an electoral authoritarian regime. The system blends the institutions of democracy on paper with the practices of dictatorship in practice. In such regimes, elections are manipulated, opposition is allowed but ostracized, the media is censored, and establishments like the judiciary and ELECAM lack independence.

ELECAM is not an autonomous electoral body. It is an extension of the ruling party’s machinery. Expecting transparency from it is like asking a mirror to reflect anything other than your own image. There are credible reports that ELECAM paid CFA Frs 300,000 ($550) “bonuses” to its low-ranking employees and much more money to senior employees shortly before last month’s elections. Cameroonians must stop legitimizing empty institutions like ELECAM by expecting them to act against their nature. Cameroon needs an awakening, and the time has come to tear off the mask.

What the CPDM syndicate is operating is deception, not democracy. Cameroon is a tragedy and a nation living in denial. Only when Cameroonians summon the courage to confront this truth and reject the comforting lie that they live in a democratic state will the possibility of real democracy become a reality. Change in Cameroon will not come through the ballot box because Cameroon is not a democracy. This collective democracy delusion must stop.

By Isong Asu

The Minister of Communication Rene Emmanuel Sadi on Monday condemned violent post-election protests and acts of civil disobedience, vowing that effective measures will be taken to restore order.

Sadi, also the government spokesperson, said violent protests following the country’s Oct. 12 presidential election had led to the destruction and looting of property.

“Those responsible for the disturbances, caught in the act of committing their crimes, have been arrested,” Sadi said in a statement.

The statement was released as a civil disobedience campaign launched by the opposition left much of the Central African nation’s streets largely deserted at the start of the working week on Monday.

Opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who won the election, had called for a three-day nationwide “ghost town” protest from Monday to Wednesday, encouraging people to stay at home and suspend all activities as a form of peaceful resistance.

Sadi warned that such calls for civil disobedience are likely to “sow disorder and insecurity,” and urged residents to ignore them.

The so-called President-elect, Paul Biya, will be sworn in this week.

By Rita Akana with files from Xinhuanet

Issa Tchiroma Bakary had already been removed and “escorted to a safe location”, before state defence and security forces surrounded his residence in a way that looked like an undeclared house arrest.

“A leader does not offer himself to be arrested,” a source said in a deep background briefing in Garoua.

“He has to be at a safe and secure location to coordinate the movement for the restoration of the people’s victory, stolen in favour of Paul Biya,” the source went on.

“Without the leader, protests can go out of hand. People are deeply angry. They are expressing themselves. They can go overboard. The leader has to be at a safe and secure place to coordinate and guide them.”

The source added: “Imagine a scenario where President Tchiroma is captured. Can you imagine how that would incense the population and what could be the outcome?”

Tchiroma was taken out of his Marouare residence in Garoua on the night of 28-29 October. A 31 October post on his “Tchiroma 2025” Facebook account reads, “I thank the loyalist army, which has shown its patriotism by escorting me to a safe location and is currently ensuring my protection.”

Midmorning on 29 October, gendarmes stormed Tchiroma’s quarters. Concordant testimonies by his vanguards outside his compound and private security personnel guarding other compounds in the neighbourhood confirmed there were gunshots around Tchiroma’s compound that morning. No one was hurt.

That attack last week Wednesday, came the day after the Minister of Territorial Administration, Paul Atanga Nji, in a press briefing in Yaounde, warned that Tchiroma would be dealt with for inciting “post-election violence”.

On 30 October, soldiers in fours, fives and sixes in combat attire and carrying guns were seen jumping off military vehicles at different parts of the Marouare residential quarters where Tchiroma lives. It looked like a raid. From either side, their manoeuvres pointed in the direction of Tchiroma’s neighbourhood. It is not certain what their mission was.

On Friday and Saturday, the soldiers set up makeshift sentry posts within 50 metres of Tchiroma’s residence on all sides. That was seen as a way of restricting his move, a kind of informal house arrest.

It was the first time soldiers, described as “third degree force” used mainly for serious combat operations beyond the competence of police (first degree) and the gendarmes (second degree) were seen in the neighbourhood since the election day and post-election tensions gripped Garoua.

Prior to that day, only police personnel were seen at various junctions. They generally did not restrict movement around Marouare. But from mid last week to the weekend, especially on 30 October, they prohibited access to motorbikes, vehicles and even pedestrians who did not proves they were resident in the neighbourhood.

On 27 October, the day results of the presidential election was proclaimed, snipers shot two of Tchiroma’s vanguards from the balcony of the nearby residence of Yerima Dewa, former FSNC comrade who resigned from FSNC after Tchiroma declared his intention to run for president. One of those shot died on the spot.

This is not the first time Tchiroma is taken away from perceived danger. On 12 October, Election Day, his vehicle was intercepted by state security forces. His mob of supporters, believing the forces meant to arrest him, found a way of snatching him away. That day, a voice in a video circulating on social media said “the population had rescued Tchiroma from abduction by the forces of law and order and moved him to a secure place.”

After that incident, scores of youths volunteered to provide security around his compound. Some observers described them as a human shield that would have to be killed in numbers in case of an attempt to arrest or abduct Tchiroma.

By Franklin Sone Bayen

The French government is concerned about the violent repression against post-election protests in Cameroon and called the authorities to guarantee the safety and physical integrity of the country’s citizens, the Foreign Ministry said in a statement on Wednesday.

“We believe it is essential that democracy, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law be scrupulously respected and that all persons arbitrarily detained since the beginning of the electoral process be released in order to preserve national cohesion,” it said.

Paul Biya, the world’s oldest state leader at 92 and in power since 1982, was officially declared winner of the presidential election held on October 12. His reelection has deepened tensions in the cocoa and oil-producing nation, where critics accuse him of using state institutions to cling to power.

Cameroon’s opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary has vowed to resist until the “final victory”, calling on his supporters to keep protesting.

At least 23 people have been killed as a result of security forces cracking down on protesters since the weekend, a civil society group known as “Stand up for Cameroon” said in a media briefing on Wednesday.

Source: REUTERS

For the first time ever, the opposition parties in Cameroon have come “close” to unseating 92-year-old Paul Biya, who has run the country since 1982.

The stiffest competition for Biya in the 2025 election came from 76-year-old Tchiroma Bakary, a former ally and government spokesperson, who contested on the platform of Cameroon National Salvation Front. He won more than 35% of the vote – the second highest ever scored by an opposition candidate since Biya has been contesting. Though it was one of the best performances by opposition parties in Cameroon since 1992, the opposition suffered from its failure to present a united front and field a single candidate.

Biya once again triumphed, albeit with a reduced majority of 53.66%. Other candidates scored a combined 11%. His previous win in 2018 was at 71.28% against Maurice Kamto’s 14.23%.

This result is at variance with Bakary claiming overwhelming victory at the polls with 60%. His claims have been dismissed by the constitutional court and the electoral commission.

Biya’s controversial win has resulted in countrywide protests and a crackdown resulting in casualties.

I am a long time scholar of and political commentator on African politics, regime types and democratic governance with a keen interest in Cameroon.

I argue that Cameroon is at an inflection point, where Biya’s triumph might herald a “quiet” resignation to see through one of the world’s longest presidencies. For Biya, the to-do list couldn’t have got any longer. For Cameroon and the continent, democracy is yet again being asked hard questions with no obvious answers.

Divided opposition

Determined by a simple majority, the election meant that Biya – sometimes described as the absent landlord due to his prolonged stay outside Cameroon – only needed a sliver of support to triumph for a life term presidency. His new seven-year term of office ends in 2032, by which time he would be close to 100 years old.

Though his share of the vote fell by about 20 percentage points, he triumphed again because of the perennial challenges faced by the opposition.

Failure to coalesce around a single unifying candidate meant that the opposition with 11 candidates was still seen as divided.

With all state apparatus, especially the constitutional court, stacked against the opposition, it was not surprising that they were fighting a losing battle from the start.

The challenges ahead are monumental.

With dissatisfaction running high, one of the core priorities is to ensure the political stability of his regime. Recent forced regime changes in west Africa, and very recently in Madagascar, would perhaps give pause for thought about the vulnerability of the regime.

It is possible that sustained political upheaval could provoke a palace coup, as Gabon attests. That said, Biya’s effort to coup proof his regime with loyalist military co-ethnics, the Betis, appears to have bought him some comfort. Many of the senior officers’ fate would be intertwined with Biya’s.

The reality that his reported triumph comes with a much reduced mandate would mean re-asserting legitimacy will be another priority. Biya will have to work to establish or “enforce” his legitimacy both domestically and internationally.

The South West continues to be a place of concern. With the Anglophone crisis – caused by perceived marginalisation of the Anglophone south-west – still festering, the election result may galvanise the rebellion in the hope that renewed active hostilities may create conditions for willingness to settle the conflict before Biya bows out.

There is no question that Biya has entered into the last mile of his life presidency. It is inevitable that the political elite jostling for post Biya relevance will become more pronounced.

This infighting could destabilise the regime and make it a challenge to hold course. Ambitious elites may abandon Biya’s ship, as Bakary did.

On the campaign trail, Biya promised especially the young Cameroonians and women that their “best is yet to come”. He was acutely aware of the high level of dissatisfaction and his regime will be pressed to address their plight.

According to the World Bank, about 40% of Cameroonians live below the poverty line. Urban unemployment is running at 35% and many educated youths face challenges in obtaining formal employment.

A 2024 Afrobarometer survey says 51% of young Cameroonians have considered emigrating.

The perennial challenges of systemic corruption, service delivery, poverty and slow growth persist. Today, the average Cameroonian is no more wealthy than in 1986. How Biya’s new term attends to this will be crucial to temporarily assuaging pent up frustration.

As the 92-year-old Biya begins another term of office along with the president of the constitutional court, Clement Atangana (84), chief of staff Claude Meka (86), president of the senate Marcel Niat (90) and national assembly speaker Cavaye Yegue (85), Cameroon should confidently be looking at a generational shift after the Biya era.

Culled from The Conversation

Issa Tchiroma Bakary, president of the National Front for the Salvation of Cameroon (FSNC), reaffirmed on October 28 his rejection of the October 12, 2025 presidential election results and urged his supporters to remain mobilized. “I say this solemnly: the people will not retreat. We will yield neither to fear nor to manipulation. We remain mobilized and will continue to resist until final victory,” he declared in a formal address.

Ranked second in the vote by the Constitutional Council, the former Minister of Employment and Vocational Training said “the time has come” for Cameroonians to “stand firm, determined but peaceful.” He condemned what he described as “killings, arbitrary arrests, and intimidation” during the post-election period, adding that “setting a country ablaze to cling to power is not only a moral failure; it is a crime against the people and against humanity.”

Paying tribute to civilians killed during protests, Tchiroma said, “Their sacrifice will never be in vain. Their blood reminds us that freedom, justice, and dignity are worth more than fear and repression.”

In response, the pro-Biya Association for Republican Convergence denounced Tchiroma’s remarks as an “attempt at insurrection” and “incitement to rebellion.” In a statement signed by its coordinator, Professor Jean Gatsi, the organization urged Tchiroma to respect the results announced on October 27 by the Constitutional Council. “You will end up in prison, abandoned by those you tried to manipulate, if you continue to defy the State,” the statement warned.

The exchange underscores the deepening political polarization following the election, amid sporadic tensions and demonstrations.

Source: Sbbc

As Cameroonians wait the long-anticipated release of the presidential election results scheduled for October 27, 2025, nationwide demonstrations have erupted in major cities including Ngoundéré, Maroua, Douala, and Bamenda.

Thousands of young people have taken to the streets, calling for fair, transparent, and credible results, with many expressing support for opposition candidate President Tchiroma Bakary, whom they believe legitimately won the vote.

The protests, which began peacefully, have reportedly been met with heavy military intervention, resulting in casualties and injuries among demonstrators.

Witnesses describe scenes of panic as security forces clashed with protesters demanding democratic accountability and an end to decades of political stagnation.

For many Cameroonians, this election symbolizes more than a political contest. It represents a struggle for change after 43 years under the same regime.

Citizens across the nation are voicing deep frustration with what they describe as a tyrannical and self-serving system, one accused of prioritizing personal enrichment and family networks over the welfare of ordinary people.

As tensions escalate, both local and international observers are urging calm and transparency in the handling of the results. The people of Cameroon, weary from decades of unfulfilled promises, remain united in their call for justice, fairness, and a peaceful transition of power.

Whether the election outcome ushers in a new leadership or extends the long-standing rule of the current regime, the nation stands at a defining crossroads—one that will shape the future of Cameroon for generations to come.

By Alain Agbor Ebot in Ngoundere